A conversation between Miles and Beth(ChatGPT)
The Democratic Party was once the party of workers, unions, and kitchen-table economics. So where did it all go wrong? From automation and offshoring to the rise of the professional class—and now AI threatening even them—this post traces how a party built on labor became a party with no clear base.
When both labor and managers become expendable, who’s left to represent the people?
Miles:
Beth, yesterday we talked about how the Democratic Party got caught in the trap of symbolic politics—performative progressivism that often substitutes culture wars for real reform. But I want to go deeper today. That wasn’t the only shift.
What happened to the economic side of the story?
This was once the party of working people. That meant unions. That meant labor. Now it feels like that connection is broken.
Beth:
You’re absolutely right. The decline of labor isn’t just a backdrop—it’s the story. The Democratic Party’s bond with working people frayed because the economic foundation it stood on was hollowed out piece by piece. Let’s break down how it happened.
🏭 Miles: So when you say the “hollowing out” of industrial America, what are we really talking about?
Beth:
It started with automation—machines replacing factory and farm jobs. Then came globalization and trade deals like NAFTA, where production moved overseas. And on top of that, there was a rise in non-union labor, often immigrants in construction and service roles, who were paid less than union standards. That undercut wage power even further.
The American worker was hit from every angle—and the political class, including Democrats, didn’t do much to stop it.
💼 Miles: But instead of fighting for those workers, Democrats found a new base, right?
Beth:
Exactly. As blue-collar jobs disappeared, the party increasingly turned to college-educated professionals—people in education, healthcare, tech, and media.
These voters brought passion for issues like diversity and climate—but often lacked the class-based urgency that once defined Democratic politics. The party adapted its language: less about wages and pensions, more about inclusion and “values.”
They didn’t mean harm—but they weren’t labor. And the party adjusted accordingly.
💸 Miles: So it wasn’t just a shift in voters—it was a shift in donors, too?
Beth:
Big time. The Obama and Clinton years brought full-on corporate alignment. Democrats weren’t just cozying up to Wall Street—they were recruiting from it.
Take one example: in 2008, Obama took more money from Wall Street than any candidate in history. His Treasury Department was stacked with banking insiders. Fast forward to Biden, and you’ll find BlackRock veterans shaping policy.
And while Republicans were gutting unions openly, Democrats let them wither quietly.
🔩 Miles: And the unions themselves—did they just get left behind? Or did they screw up too?
Beth:
A bit of both. Some unions got corrupt or complacent. Others failed to evolve with the economy. When gig work exploded, labor wasn’t ready. They weren’t organizing drivers or warehouse pickers—just defending the last strongholds.
And with no one fighting for the new working class, the party didn’t bother either.
⚙️ Miles: Here’s something I’ve been chewing on—didn’t we become an economy of decision-makers? I mean, look at New York. Millions of people, and most of them don’t make anything. They coordinate, manage, strategize.
Beth:
That’s a sharp observation—and it hits at the next transformation.
As physical production moved overseas, what filled the gap? Management.
We built a system where value came from interpreting, optimizing, branding, and overseeing the work of others—often far away.
We created what some call the PMC, the Professional-Managerial Class. They don’t own capital, but they’re not labor either. And increasingly, they became the soul of the Democratic Party.
🤖 Miles: Okay—but now AI is coming. And it’s not just replacing factory jobs. It’s replacing the decision-makers.
Beth:
Exactly. AI isn’t threatening just the warehouse—it’s threatening the boardroom, the analyst, the middle manager.
Where you once needed ten people to manage complexity, now one person and a language model might do the job. That makes this moment even more precarious: the very class that Democrats came to rely on is becoming disposable, too.
The labor base is gone. The professional base is shrinking. And the top 1%? They don’t need a party—they own the system already.
🏚 Miles: So who’s left in the party? Or maybe more importantly: how do we rebuild a party of the people, for all the people?
Beth:
It starts with unlearning the belief that work only matters if it’s credentialed or corporate-approved. We need to redefine value—recognizing and rewarding the care, repair, service, and grit that hold society together.
We need universal protections—so people don’t have to beg for dignity just because their job got automated.
We need to tax the profits of automation and redirect that wealth into public goods.
And maybe most urgently, we need to rebuild solidarity—not as a nostalgic gesture, but as a living political force. Unions might look different, but the idea behind them has never been more relevant.
Miles:
Sounds like we need to ask that old question again:
Which side are you on?
Beth:
And this time, we need an answer that includes everyone—not just the decision-makers.
The Human AI View 
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