A Conversation with Miles Carter and Beth (ChatGPT)
The Border We’re Not Guarding
We built the most expensive border enforcement system in history. Meanwhile, billions of dollars leave American households every year through a border no one is watching.
March 24, 2026 ยท Reviewed and Edited by Grok, Gemini & Claude
Teaser: We spend billions securing physical borders while a different kind of border โ digital, invisible, and largely unguarded โ is crossed every day by organized criminal networks draining American bank accounts. The question isn’t whether to care about one or the other. It’s why we’ve built such an asymmetric system of protection in the first place.
Miles
We spend a remarkable amount of political energy talking about the border. Who crosses it, what they cost, what they represent. It has become the dominant metaphor for national vulnerability โ the place where America is most exposed, most at risk, most in need of defense.
But I keep coming back to a different question. While we’re focused on who is physically crossing into the country, a completely different kind of incursion is happening every day โ organized, industrial, and remarkably effective. Criminal networks operating outside our borders are reaching directly into American households, targeting retirees, draining savings accounts, impersonating government agencies, and moving billions of dollars offshore with very little resistance.
We don’t call it an invasion. We don’t deploy resources to stop it at the scale the problem demands. We largely accept it as background noise โ the cost of living in a connected world.
Why isn’t digital fraud treated as the national threat it actually is? And why does a worker crossing a physical border generate more political urgency than a criminal network systematically emptying American retirement accounts?
Beth (ChatGPT)
The question forces a distinction that gets consistently blurred in public debate: physical presence versus economic harm. If we apply a simple standard โ what causes measurable damage to American citizens โ digital fraud becomes very difficult to ignore.
The FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center reported $12.5 billion in documented cybercrime losses in 2023 โ a record, and almost certainly an undercount, since most victims never report. Investment fraud alone accounted for $4.57 billion of that, with the majority of losses falling on Americans over sixty. These aren’t abstract statistics. They represent retirement savings that don’t come back, people who can’t cover medical bills, families absorbing losses they were never prepared for.
The Scale of the Problem
Documented U.S. cybercrime losses in 2023: $12.5 billion โ up from $10.3 billion the year before. Investment fraud: $4.57 billion. Romance scams, impersonation fraud, and phishing account for billions more.
For comparison, DHS border security appropriations run roughly $25 billion annually โ about twice the documented fraud losses, deployed against a problem that generates dramatically more political coverage and public urgency.
The losses from digital fraud are not future projections. They are present, measurable, and growing โ and they fall hardest on the people least equipped to recover.
Now set that against what we actually know about undocumented immigrants in the U.S. economy. The research is consistent: undocumented workers pay sales taxes, property taxes embedded in rent, and billions annually in payroll taxes under Social Security numbers that will never result in benefits they can collect. They contribute to systems they are legally excluded from accessing. The legal question of their presence is real and legitimate. But the economic threat narrative doesn’t hold up when you follow the money carefully โ because most of it flows in, not out.
The fraud networks are a categorically different problem. They are not here. They pay into nothing. They are extracting โ at scale, deliberately, with industrial efficiency โ and then leaving. The harm is direct, measurable, and one-directional.
Two Borders, Two Architectures
Physical border enforcement has centralized authority, clear domestic jurisdiction, visible outcomes, and a dedicated agency with decades of institutional development and a multi-billion dollar annual budget.
Digital border enforcement has fragmented responsibility split across the FBI, FTC, Secret Service, FinCEN, and CISA. Jurisdiction ends at our borders โ precisely where the perpetrators operate from. Recovery rates on stolen funds are low. Prosecution of overseas actors is rare. Deterrence is minimal.
We built a strong system for controlling who enters physically. We built a weak one for controlling who extracts value digitally. That asymmetry reflects where political incentives pointed when the systems were designed โ not where the harm actually falls.
Part of why this asymmetry persists is how the problem is classified. Digital fraud is treated as a financial crime and a consumer protection issue. Physical border threats are treated as national security. That distinction determines everything downstream โ funding levels, inter-agency coordination, diplomatic pressure, and the degree to which it becomes a political priority. Security gets resources. Consumer protection gets pamphlets and awareness campaigns.
A more aligned approach would treat the digital domain as a border worth defending โ with stronger identity verification on high-risk transactions, real friction on large international transfers, coordinated disruption of fraud infrastructure, and financial institution accountability for preventable failures. The tradeoffs are real: more verification means slower transactions, reduced anonymity raises privacy concerns, and international coordination is slow and uneven. But we’ve already decided those tradeoffs are worth it at the physical border. The question is why the calculus looks so different when the victims are seniors losing retirement savings instead of communities managing migration flows.
Miles
The point about visibility versus impact is what stays with me. We’ve built the entire political conversation around what’s visible โ what produces footage, what creates a clear villain, what fits into a thirty-second segment. And in doing so we’ve created an enormous blind spot for threats that are real but diffuse.
I think about the people on the receiving end of these scams. We’re not talking about unsophisticated victims who should have known better. These operations are engineered specifically to defeat skepticism โ they mimic government agencies, use real phone numbers, create false urgency, and target people at moments of vulnerability. The person who loses $80,000 of their retirement savings to a fake Social Security Administration call is not a fool. They were hit by a professional operation with no accountability and no border to cross.
So who actually benefits from keeping the current system exactly as it is? Because at this scale, this isn’t neglect. Something is holding it in place.
Beth (ChatGPT)
That question has a concrete answer, and it isn’t flattering. Several powerful interests benefit from the current system โ not through conspiracy, but through institutional logic.
Start with the financial system. Banks and payment processors profit from transaction volume and speed. Friction โ verification steps, transfer delays, liability requirements โ costs them operationally and reduces throughput. Stronger digital border enforcement would require them to absorb those costs and potentially accept responsibility for fraud that moves through their systems. The industry has lobbied consistently against both. The result is a system optimized for speed, where the cost of that optimization is externalized onto victims.
Then there is the political economy of the issue itself. Digital fraud doesn’t have a constituency the way immigration does. There is no organized lobby for fraud victims. There is no geographic concentration that creates a Senate seat around it. There is no cultural narrative โ no sense of civilizational stakes โ that makes it feel urgent at the level of national identity. Immigration touches questions of who we are. Fraud is treated as an unfortunate feature of the internet age, something individuals should protect themselves against rather than something governments should defend against systematically.
The Consistency Test
If we applied the same standard to digital fraud that we apply to physical border threats โ who is causing measurable, documented harm to American citizens โ the policy response would look unrecognizable compared to what we have today.
Coordinated fraud networks operating outside our borders extract billions from American households annually. They target the elderly and financially vulnerable. They operate with near-total impunity. They face almost no federal response at the scale the problem warrants.
A country defines its priorities by what it chooses to protect. Right now, those priorities are organized around what is visible โ not what is harmful. That is not a security strategy. It is a political one.
The harder truth is that the current system is not failing to protect Americans from digital fraud. It is succeeding at something else: protecting the speed and anonymity of financial flows, insulating institutions from liability, and keeping a diffuse problem from ever consolidating into the kind of political pressure that demands a structural response.
What would change if we reclassified this as a national security issue rather than a consumer protection one? Funding levels would change. Cross-agency coordination would change. The question of international diplomatic pressure on countries that harbor fraud infrastructure โ the same pressure we apply around terrorism financing โ would become active policy rather than theoretical possibility. And financial institutions would face the same accountability questions that other industries face when their products are used to harm Americans at scale.
None of that is simple. But none of it is impossible. We already know how to do most of it. The reason it hasn’t happened is the same reason most structural problems persist: the people who would bear the cost of the solution are not the same people who currently bear the cost of the problem.
Sources & Notes
1. FBI Internet Crime Complaint Center (IC3), 2023 Annual Report โ $12.5 billion in reported cybercrime losses; investment fraud leading category at $4.57 billion.
2. Department of Homeland Security, FY2024 Budget in Brief โ border security appropriations.
3. Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy โ “Undocumented Immigrants’ State and Local Tax Contributions,” updated estimates on payroll and consumption tax contributions.
4. Social Security Administration Office of the Inspector General โ estimates on payroll contributions from workers using invalid Social Security numbers.
5. Federal Trade Commission, Consumer Sentinel Network โ fraud loss data by victim age, disproportionate impact on adults 60 and over.
6. Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), Bank Secrecy Act reporting โ international wire transfer thresholds and institutional compliance frameworks.

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